higher. The police simply "being
around" accounts for much of the differential in crime rates. A crime undetected is, from
an official point of view, a crime uncommitted. In addition, many criminologists think that
having been exposed to prison gives a person criminal tendencies.36 Prisons are the
most effective spawning grounds of criminals known to man. Anyone who has served
some time in prison is more likely to come out a potential professional criminal than he is
to be "rehabilitated."
In addition, Gardikas assumes that the crimes for which the 117 offenders were arrested
were the result of having been involved with hashish, since they followed the hashish
arrest. This is a good example of the post hoc fallacy. We have no idea why these 420
offenses were committed, let alone can we be sure that they were caused by the hashish.
Nor do we know that the arrested individuals were not involved in a life of crime before
the hashish arrest. Merely because they had not been arrested until then is no indication
that they did not commit nonhashish crimes. They might very well have been criminals all
along and picked up hashish along the way, and been merely unfortunate enough to get
arrested first for the hashish.
All we really know from the Gardikas study is that arrested hashish smokers are
involved in a good deal of crime. We have no idea whether hashish "causes" the
violations, or was associated with them in any way. We know nothing about whether the
nonarrested smoker is also as criminal, or whether he ever commits crimes. We do not
know how representative the sample even is of arrested users, let alone users in general.
As a demonstration of the criminogenic effect of cannabis, this study is of extremely
dubious value at best.
Our Two Hundred Interviews
(21 of 28)4/15/2004 1:08:08 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 9
In our interview study, we asked the respondents to enumerate any and all arrests which
they might have experienced. It is almost impossible to make a systematic, rigorous, and
meaningful comparison with the general population with the aim of determining whether
marijuana users are "more criminal" or "less criminal" than nonusers. Our sample is not
representative. (But no sample of lawbreakers ever is a true cross-section.) It is a different
average age than the American population—a median of twenty-two as opposed to twentyseven,
with almost no very young or very old. It is entirely urban—nearly all reside in
New York City. It is more middle-class than the nation as a whole. We know that all of
the sample, to be included in the study, have engaged in criminal behavior—marijuana
use, possession, and sale—and on that basis alone, be expected to be arrested more times
than the average member of American society. We might isolate out at least a dozen such
factors which make the two "populations" incomparable. Some of these factors would
tend to inflate our sample's lawbreaking tendencies, while
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MERGE, BECOME ONE WITH OTHERS
PEOPLE'S FACS CHANGE
OTHERS NOTICE I'M STONED
Do antisocial things
FORGET START OF SENTENCE
AT ONE WITH THE WOPRLD
THINK I'VE SAID SOMETHNG WHEN I'VE JUST
CONVERSE INTELLIGENTLY EVEN THOUGH THINGS
FORGET START OF CONVERSATION
OTHERS STILL DO NOT NOTICE I'M STONED
People seem dead, like robots
GIGGLE A LOT
(8 of 12)4/15/2004 7:16:23 AM
On Being Stoned - Chapter 12
LEARN A LOT ABOUT WHAT MAKES PEOPLE TICK
SIGNIFICANCE IN COMMONPLACE CONVERSATIONS
PLAY CHILDISH GAMES
STRONGLY INFLUENCED BY COMPANIONS
EMPATHIZE MORE WITH OTHERS
INSIGHTS INTO OTHERS
SAY MORE PROFOUND, APPROPRIATE THINGS
MORE SUBTLE HUMOR
PLAY ELABORATE GAMES
MORE GROUP FEELING
ORDINARY SOCIAL GAMES HARD TO PLAY
LESS NOISY THAN WHEN STRAIGHT
HIGHER PEOPLE GET ME HIGHER
LESS NOISY THAN WHEN DRUNK
Just Fairly Strongly
——Others do not notice I'm stoned—— ——Others notice I'm stoned——
Beginning at Low to Moderate levels, there is a general reduction of loudness and noisiness as the pattern of
social interaction begins to change from ordinary interaction to that characteristic of groups of intoxicated
users. Ordinary social games become harder to play; users become more sociable and talk more. Thought
processes begin to alter so the users feel they have insights into others and interact more subtly, especially with
respect to humor. A strong feeling of group solidarity commonly occurs in this Moderate to Strong range of
intoxication. Generally, at these low levels, users feel social interaction is greatly enhanced.
As the users begin to enter the Strong ranges and higher, however, inner experience often begins to
predominate over social interaction. When social interaction continues, it is usually felt to be very profound. At
the highest ranges it includes occasional feelings of telepathic contact and merging with others. Because of the
increasing intensity of inner experiences, however, from the Strong level up, many users become less sociable,
more wrapped up in themselves. Many of my informants comment that when marijuana is first smoked at a
social gathering, there is a lot of interaction, conversing, group discussion, good feeling, but if a lot is smoked,
a fair number of people will often begin to withdraw into themselves or become involved in intense dialogues
with another user rather than take part in the general group interaction.
Thus low levels of intoxication seem to facilitate and deepen social interaction among users, whereas higher
levels may either deepen it further or result in withdrawal from the group.
(9 of 12)4/15/2004 7:16:23 AM
On Being Stoned - Chapter 12
Table 12-1 summarizes the effects of relatively linear background factors on social interaction effects.
Two phenomena were not affe
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m made accurate reporting favor the users' self-interest. Third, a validity scale,
described in the next section, was used to eliminate overly careless or bizarre questionnaires from the
While eventual replication of the present results by others is the final test of validity, the above steps,
plus my knowledge of marijuana intoxication acquired from pilot subjects and informants, gives me
confidence that the present results are reasonably accurate.
Fourteen of the 220 items constituted a validity scale. These were descriptions, scattered randomly
through the questionnaire, of "possible effects" which I had never heard of or had heard of only
extremely rarely, which seemed extremely unlikely to occur, and (one) which had been used in studies
of hypnosis as a validity item (Orne, 1959).
No single improbable answer can necessarily disqualify a questionnaire, because the respondent may
actually have experienced an improbable effect. The a priori decision was made to disqualify any
questionnaire with six or more positive responses on the validity scale, as this would be an extremely
improbable occurrence, warranting suspicion.
The 14 items of the validity scale, together with the percentages of the 150 final respondents4 rating
each frequency category, are shown in Table 3-1. The a priori rules for counting an answer as a point on
the validity scale are indicated by the boxes around certain response categories for each item. For
example, if a user answered item 26 by circling Very Often, it would count a point on the validity scale,
but not if he circled Never, Rarely, or Sometimes.
For the 150 questionnaires used for analysis, the mean validity scale score was only 1.5, so the final
group of users did not show a bizarre patterning of answers on this scale, and we may presume they
(7 of 10)4/15/2004 7:03:26 AM
On Being Stoned - Chapter 3
were careful in filling out their questionnaires.
DISTRIBUTION OF QUESTIONNAIRES
Because of the severe legal penalties attached to the possession, use, or sale of marijuana it was
important to assure the users' anonymity in order to get any returned questionnaires. The distribution
technique consisted of my handing large stacks of questionnaires to students and acquaintances whom I
thought might be marijuana smokers and/or who might have friends who were marijuana smokers, and
asking them to keep passing them on to other users. This worked very well. Many times students walked
into my office and asked for more to pass out. In this way I had no names of anyone and could not even
tell if the people I thought were smokers actually filled out a questionnaire. Users who completed the
questionnaire simply put it in the attached, stamped return envelope and mailed it to me.
All properly filled out and acceptable questionnaires returned by a cut-off date several months after
distribution were coded onto IBM cards and magnetic tape for later proces , 62, 2401,2405 (1940) I can't really describe the phenotype differences very well with the plants in veg state, but I'll tell you the two
distinct looking phenotypes I've recognized. My mothers look almost identical to me since they have been
pruned many a time & I didn't document any notes from their seedling stage ... I usually just tag them, clone
them and see what happens when I flower them, when I start from seed.
One of the phenotypes makes fluffy looking, but tight strawberry shaped buds (looks just like the ad for
Sweetooth in CC). The other phenotype makes a more evergreen looking bud, but both share a very similar
lime green bract color & large, bigger than your hand blue/purplish fan leaves.
One thing to note, the pictures that are/were on Bongblaster's site don't look anything like the other Sweetooth
I have. Must be just a little bit different or maybe it was an earlier cross. I think Sweetooth was sold after it's
first backcross, so a few differences are to be expected, but I think both phenotypes I found are very equal in
quality. The I have let them go as long as 63 days of flowering time and can honestly say that I think the
quality of smoke is much better around 50 days, although yield is improved at 63.
I've seen too many different looking blueberry type plants to really be able to tell which plant is influencing the
shape. I think the one with the more evergreen shape might be a tad bit more potent but maybe not; both are
fairly up & cerebral to me. If I smoke too much before bed I usually have to get back up or else I feel like I'm
floating 4 feet above the bed. Sweetooth is spacey smoke, not too heavy of a feeling at all (as I look at the
sentence I wrote before & laugh).”-Shiva
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didn't even though she had really phat buds. The buds are nice and tight. I have 2 mcw females, both are very
stony, one has more flavor than the other does. The flavor is excellent in taste. The mcw with more flavor
occasionally puts out a few sterile male pollen anthers, which has never pollinated anything, I have had these
2 mcw's going for quite a while now and I prefer the one with the occasional anther, even though the other mcw
has phatter buds.ncga
deemed necessary, since ~1_ and other THCs are resinous materials completely
insoluble in water, and to carry out pharmacological studies these materials
have to be administered in various solvents such as polyethylene glycol, Tween,
triton, and alcohol, which are themselves not without pharmacological activity Nordqvist, A 7) for the
synthesis of b,1-THC and its metabolites by preparing 110 6-THC acetate with SeOz for a prolonged period in ethanol, the
aldehyde 83 is isolated
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-- Thursday, March 05, 2015 7:26:29 AM
“Try NL#9 from Sagarmatha. This strain is NL#5, WW and Durban Poison. I've heard great reports about this
plant.” - SK1
“I have been growing Northern Lights #9 from Sagarmatha for about 8 months and the yield is pretty good. My
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the plant is ready to harvest in 45 days, 50 days tops. I also had a few problems with my nutrient mixture and
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claims'" regarding its synthesis has not been substantiated," since at one time
fi4,8_iso_THC 18 was erroneously regarded as cis-fi6-THC (4) he random variation you get whenever you
deal with people's responses?
You never know for certain which is which, but a statistical test is an objective way of being
reasonably sure, one way or the other. Statistical tests use the known mathematical properties of
numbers to let you decide when a difference is probably due to chance, and when a difference is so large
that chance seems unlikely. The exact mathematics aren't of interest to the general reader, but only the
outcome, the probability figure. If the outcome of a particular test could have happened by chance only
five or fewer times in a hundred trials (conventionally expressed in this book as p<.05, probability equal
to or less than 5/100),* we begin to doubt that this is chance variation. It probably represents a real
difference between the groups. If the probability is even smaller that the outcome is due to chance, say
less than one in a hundred (p < .01) or less than one in a thousand (p < .001), we can feel quite certain
that we are dealing with real, important differences.**
(1 of 2)4/15/2004 7:01:42 AM
On Being Stoned - A Note
Thus in this book the lower the probability figure in parentheses, the greater the difference between
the groups being compared.
*More exactly, the sign should be less than or equal to rather than simply <, but this simplification
will be used throughout the text.
**Statistical tables available to me only go up to the .0005 level. When I use the notation p << .0005,
the difference is even more significant; when I use p <<< .0005, it is supersignificant. For the
technically minded, I use p << .0005 when chi square is greater than or equal to 50, and p <<< .0005
when chi square is greater than or equal to 100, with four degrees of freedom in each case.
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(2 of 2)4/15/2004 7:01:42 AM
On Being Stoned - Chapter 1
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On Being Stoned
Charles T. Tart, Ph. D.
Chapter 1. Marijuana
ONE OF THE MOST persistent and unusual aspects of human behavior, observable in all cultures
and through all of history, is man's dissatisfaction with his ordinary state of consciousness and the
consequent development of innumerable methods for altering it. Our normal pattern of thought and
feeling, useful in many ways, never seems to be enough for some people.
The reasons for this search for better states of consciousness are many, ranging from desires for
greater knowledge to religious, hedonistic, and power motives. The belief that our ordinary state of
consciousness is of only utilitarian value and not suitable for insights into basic questions about the
meaning of life has been one of the most important motives. Some men have been successful in
achieving higher states of consciousness; other Wilkinson,J After bromination with PBr3
and further treatment with NaCN/DMSO it formed the nitrile, which was
debenzylated under mild hydrogenation conditions to 203 Dollery, and R
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Merlini, and S 7) for the
synthesis of b,1-THC and its metabolites by preparing 110
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My view is substantially different. It is quite conceivable that marijuana use grows out
of these (socially defined) undesirable conditions, but we do not wish to force a premature
closure. It could very well grow out of some characteristics which society holds are
entirely desirable. By defining marijuana use as noxious, we are preordaining both cause
and consequence. I feel that an important dimension is the definitions that users
themselves bring to the drug and its use—and very often these definitions are wholly
positive. The tack to take in attempting an understanding of marijuana use is not, they
(4 of 19)4/15/2004 1:03:03 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 1
must be mistaken; why do they persist in being mistaken? But what slant on reality do
these values have, and how can we attempt to understand them on their own terms?
In discussing with a psychiatrist some of the findings on sex—that two-thirds of the
people interviewed said that they enjoyed sex more when high on marijuana—he
remarked that it was obvious this was a wish-fantasy on their part. They needed something
by which they could enjoy sex at all and therefore projected these qualities onto the drug.
This psychiatrist discounted the users' self-expressed effects because of his preconceptions
concerning the nature of and motives for marijuana use, as well as a theoretical tradition
that makes such assumptions possible.
The sociologist, on the other hand, feels that he can uncover his respondent's actual
feelings in a brief interview—that is, feelings on certain levels and about certain aspects of
his life. The psychiatrist may feel that many months of deep psychoanalysis would begin
to tap some unconscious feelings of which even the individual is not aware. Perhaps the
two approaches should not be thought of as contradictory but merely different. The
sociologist, at any rate, takes seriously the expressed meaning that an activity has for its
actors. This does not necessarily mean that this is the only "true" approach, or even the
approach that is "most true." But it is one layer of reality, and a layer very much worth
Another way of putting this is that we wish to examine the mythological level. This
might appear to contradict our earlier principle. In fact, it is entirely consistent with it. We
do not mean by "myth" that which is untrue. The question of truth and falsity is largely
irrelevant—at least on the ethnographic level. That a rain dance does not really cause rain
to fall is, in a sense, irrelevant. That is has a certain vibrancy in a tribal fabric is, on the
other hand, of utmost relevancy. By treating a group or society's collective wisdom as
tribal folklore is not to demean it; it is in fact an effort to elevate it to the status of the
semi-sacred. Myth grows organically out of the visceral troubles of a people; any attempt
to refute its validity is inevitably misplaced. The position of physicians or potsmokers,
their el , 4827 (1971)